I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured, that this resolution has
not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the
relation, which binds a dutiful citizen to his country, and that, in withdrawing the tender
of service which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of
zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness; but
am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.
The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your Suffrages have twice
called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference
for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier
in my power, consistently with motives, which I am not at liberty to disregard, to return to
that retirement, from which I have been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do
this, previous to the last Election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare
it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our Affairs
with foreign Nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled
me to abandon the idea.
I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders
the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty, or propriety; and am
persuaded whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that in the present circumstances
of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire.
The impressions, with which I first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the
proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say that I have, with good
intentions, contributed towards the Organization and Administration of the government,
the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the
outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more
in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day
the encreasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value
to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that while choice and
prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.
In looking forward to the moment, which is intended to terminate the career of my public
life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of
gratitude which I owe to my beloved country, for the many honors it has conferred upon me;
still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the
opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services
faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted
to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an
instructive example in our annals, that, under circumstances in which the Passions agitated in
every direction were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of
fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not unfrequently want of Success has
countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of
the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated
with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing
vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your Union and
brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free constitution, which is the work of
your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its Administration in every department may be
stamped with wisdom and Virtue; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under
the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of
this blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recommending
it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.
Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments; which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a People. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.
Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of
mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.
The Unity of Government which constitutes you one people, is now dear to you. It is justly
so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence; the support of your
tranquility at home; your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty
which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that, from different causes and from
different quarters much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds
the conviction of this truth, as this is the point in your political fortress against which
the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though
often covertly and insidiously) directed; it is of infinite moment, that you should properly
estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness;
that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming
yourselves to think and speak of it as the palladium of your political safety and prosperity;
watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest
even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the
first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to
enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.
In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious
concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by
geographical discriminations,--northern and southern--Atlantic
and western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real
difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within
particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield
yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart burnings which spring from these
misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound
together by fraternal affection.
Towards the preservation of your Government and the permanency of your present happy
state, it is requisite, not only, that you steadily discountenance irregular opposition to its
acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its
principles, however specious the pretext. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms
of the Constitution, alterations which will impair the energy of the system; and thus to
undermine what cannot be directly overthrown.
In all the changes to which you may be involved, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments, as of other human institutions;--that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country;--that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially, that for the efficient management of your common interests in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.
I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular references
to the founding of them on geographical discrimination. Let me now take a more comprehensive
view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party
This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest
passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less
stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness,
and is truly their worst enemy.
The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge
natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid
enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent
despotism. The disorders and miseries which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek
security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and, sooner or later, the chief of some
prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the
purpose of his own elevation on the ruins of public liberty.
Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be
entirely out of sight) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to
make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.
It serves always to distract the public councils, and enfeeble the public administration. It
agitates the community with ill founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one
part against another; foments occasional riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign
influence and corruption, which finds a facilitated access to the government itself through the
channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy
and will of another.
There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of
the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is probably
true; and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism my look with indulgence, if not with
favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in governments purely
elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will
always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger of
excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to
be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent it bursting into a flame, lest instead of
warming, it should consume.
It is important likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution in
those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective
constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department, to encroach upon
another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one,
and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that
love of power and proneness to abuse it, which predominate in the human heart, is sufficient to
satisfy us of the truth of this position.
The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and
distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal
against invasion of the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of
them in our country and under our eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute
them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional
powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the
constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance,
may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are
destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or
transient benefit which the use can at any time yield.
Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are
indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor
to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and
citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them.
A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be
asked, Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious
obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice?
And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion.
Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure,
reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion of
It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government.
The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that
is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the
Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of
knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it
should be enlightened.
As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of
preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating
peace, but remembering, also, that timely disbursements, to prepare for danger, frequently prevent
much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by
shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions, in time of peace, to discharge the debts
which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the
burden which we ourselves ought to bear.
The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public
opinion should cooperate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that
you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue;
that to have revenue there must be taxes, that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less
inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection of
the proper object (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a
candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of
acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time
Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all.
Religion and morality enjoin this conduct, and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin
it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to
mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice
and benevolence. Who can doubt but, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan
would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it; can
it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The
experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it
rendered impossible by its vices?
In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate
antipathies against particular nations and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded;
and that in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation
which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a
slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray
from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily
to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and
intractable when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence, frequent collisions,
obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill will and resentment,
sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The
government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what
reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of
hostility, instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace
often, sometimes perhaps the liberty of nations, has been the victim.
So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils.
Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in
cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other,
betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without
adequate inducements or justifications. It leads also to concessions, to the favorite nation,
of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions,
by unnecessary parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill
will, and a disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld;
and it gives to ambitious, corrupted or deluded citizens who devote themselves to the favorite
nation, facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium,
sometimes even with popularity; gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation,
a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or
foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation.
As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly
alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they
afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public
opinion, to influence or awe the public councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards
a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.
Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me fellow citizens)
the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience
prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that
jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial, else it becomes the instrument of the very influence
to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation
and excessive dislike for another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one
side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who
may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its
tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interest.
The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our
commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as
possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect
good faith:--Here let us stop.
Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation.
Hence, she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially
foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by
artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and
collusions of her friendships or enmities.
Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If
we remain one people, under an efficient Government, the period is not far off when we may defy
material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the
neutrality we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent
nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the
giving us provocation, when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice,
Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon
foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our
peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?
It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliance with any portion of the foreign
world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as
capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to
public than private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those
engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would
be unwise to extend them.
Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments, on a respectable defense posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity,
and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither
seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things;
diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing;
establishing with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of
our merchants, and to enable the Government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse,
the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be
from time to time abandoned or varied as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly
keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it
must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that
by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal
favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater
error than to expect, or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion which
experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.
In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not
hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the
usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has
hitherto marked the destiny of nations, but if I may even flatter myself that they may be
productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to
moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard
against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the
solicitude for your welfare by which they have been dictated.
Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error,
I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed
many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate
the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will
never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life
dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be
consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.
Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government--the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust,of our mutual cares, labors and dangers.
Note: Washington gives reasons--reasons based upon human history & experience--for every admonition--none of the ex cathedra pronouncements in the Clinton Farewell. Note, finally, that we became the formidable power that he predicted by following his recommended course. Dare we continue to deviate from it?
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