[South Carolina's Senator Lindsey Graham recently referred to those of us who oppose the Kennedy/Bush Immigration Bill as 'bigots.' This is our response.]
June 15, 2007 Hon. Lindsey Graham United States Senate Washington, D.C. Dear Senator Graham: It has been reported that you have seen fit to refer to those of us who oppose extensive immigration by third world peoples into the United States, as "bigots." You did not offer to debate issues fundamental to the very concept of a nation; rather, you chose to asperse the motives of those Americans, who sought such a debate. This suggests that you may be an intellectual coward. It also suggests that you have a strange perception of your duties as a Senator for South Carolina: The State which first declared its independence; which gave us some of the most significant heroes of the Revolution; which later rallied to John C. Calhoun's articulate defenses of liberty. The State which, in our own times, was politically defined by the long service of the late Strom Thurmond, the man, who more than any other in his era, was responsible for restoring some balance to the Federal Judiciary. Name calling, of course, is no argument. But then, what argument do you have? Considering the key factors involved in framing an American immigration policy, your position may be seen as the intellectual equivalent to the Emperor's wonderful "new clothes" in the Hans Christian Andersen classic; the "statesmanship" behind the Kennedy/Bush/Lindsey proposal, a moral equivalent to the "service" of Vidkun Quisling to the Norwegians in 1940! Am I being unfair? Did you bother to consider the relative population of the United States, now and in the early 1920s, when we first accepted a need to severely restrict immigration? All else being equal, would not the determinants then, when the resident population was 110,000,000, have vastly greater weight today, when that population is over 300,000,000--a third no longer even sharing a common European ancestry with the settler Nation that grew out of the Revolution? (That is, among those of us who would preserve the continuity of that settler Nation!) Did you investigate the average IQs of the masses pouring over the Southern border, as compared to those of mainstream Americans, when you endorsed a methodology to legitimatize past defiance of our law, and the creation of new paths to citizenship? Or the relative birthrate among such newer arrivals, as compared to that, today, among settled White Americans? Do you imagine all peoples fully interchangeable--so much putty, to be molded in ways that you or the Leftwing race theorists, who seem to be pulling the President's strings, would like? Or are you simply happy to replace rooted South Carolinians with new faces--to do the work that White Americans have supposedly grown too lazy to do? Have you bothered to consider the result the last time, White Americans brought in other races to do the jobs "Americans did not want to do?" How long did it take South Carolina to recover from an eventual fall out? Have you investigated how the so-called "melting pot," has actually worked in America? Is it simply an interesting coin- cidence that urban areas with large enclaves of immigrants or their recent descendants--even from Western lands, other than those dominated by the ethic of Magna Carta--consistently vote for candidates with a more Socialistic outlook, than do the independent minded patriots in your own State, or in others with more of the original stock, which rallied to the Magna Carta ethos, so deeply reflected in the principles of the Declaration of Independence? Are cause and effect, any concern of Lindsey Graham? Any at all? With a view to understanding what may be expected in a future where tens of millions of Mexican peasants become citizens amid a static or even declining White population, did you investigate whether --in any of the revolts that have swept Mexico over the past two centuries--anyone ever defined a cause with the complex but very rational values imbedded in our Declaration of Independence; or drafted a charter comparable to Magna Carta, or promoted a written Constitution with a series of essays, in any way comparable to our Federalist Papers? Were there any treatises comparable to John C. Calhoun's Fort Hill Address? In his pronounced theories on immigration, President Bush has assumed--both explicitly, and in a much wider sense implicitly-- that the personality traits of other peoples somehow 'morph,' after they come here, into those traditionally considered American. Do you too subscribe to this notion, and, if so, what evidence have you? Are not cultural traits that determine social values more reflective of the specific people, who create the culture, than their geography? Is the mystical transformation, which the President expects, based upon actual experience, or urban legend--maybe even superstition? (It is a close call, whether the President's delusion offers greater insult to the Mexicans or the Americans!) Can we trust our children's political destiny to what may soon be the electorate, if your immigration bill goes into effect? Have you read Jefferson's Second Inaugural Address or his letters to friends, in which he explained why he bought Louisiana? Can you reconcile a belief that it was desirable for our future happiness to create a settler buffer between the Hispanic culture of Mexico and our previous frontier, with your support for the Kennedy/Bush bill, which would effectively draw many more millions of Mexican peasants into our midst? Thomas Jefferson was an apt student of the thousands of years of recorded human history. His words, in 1800, correctly captured the perspective of the original Americans. On what basis have you concluded that Kennedy or Bush has a deeper understanding of the true America than had Thomas Jefferson? Have you considered the effect of the "Civil Rights" laws, which make it an offense to favor the native born over people of other national origins in employment and housing in the United States, on the right to even try to protect the jobs and neighborhoods of rooted American families, in the aftermath of the legislation you advocate? Have you informed your fellow South Carolinians, that they will not be allowed to favor the sons and daughters of those who have been their good neighbors for many generations, over newly arrived "guest workers" or legally cleansed "illegals?" Just what have you done, Senator, to determine that your view of immigration is enlightened, and ours merely a reflection of "bigotry?" Do you also ascribe the term "bigot" to those who embrace the Fifth Commandment, to honor their father and their mother, that their days may be long in the land? Is not a nation, if it be anything, largely about lines of descent and a shared history and culture? Let me be very clear. I have no personal prejudice against any people. I look at what is, and draw conclusions as to what is best for America and my native Ohio. Three of my four grandparents were immigrants from eastern Europe. I will not shame their memory, nor insult the heirs of the America that allowed them to come here and share a noble heritage won in toil and baptized in blood, by putting the interests of any foreign people ahead of those of rooted Americans. Nothing, to me, is more contemptible, than for one to come here, willing to enjoy the advantages flowing from the achievements and sacrifices of the settler peoples who created America, and then betray a sacred trust by undermining the rights of the native born in their own lands, and over their own resources. Those resources, of course, are finite. We need to recognize that, and as we seek to conserve what we have, to reaffirm, also, that a Nation is its people, not its geography. Geography may be part of the patrimony of a Nation; indeed, its greatest resource to be preserved. That has never meant that anyone, who by some means enters that geography, automatically becomes a part of the Nation in possession. There is infinitely more involved than that. But your aspersions, Senator Graham, suggest that you have not given such matters even the most cursory consideration. Sincerely, William Flax[Faxed to Senator's Office 10:28 A.M., above date.]
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